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Pentagon Papers
The Pentagon Papers, officially titled Report of the Office of the Secretary of Defense Vietnam Task Force, is a history of the United States' political and military involvement in from 1945 to 1967. The papers were released by , who had worked on the study; they were first brought to the attention of the public on the front page of in 1971. A 1996 article in The New York Times said that the Pentagon Papers had demonstrated, among other things, that the "systematically lied, not only to the public but also to Congress." More specifically, the papers revealed that the U.S. had secretly enlarged the scope of its actions in the with the of nearby and , coastal raids on , as well as attacks, none of which were reported in the mainstream media. For his disclosure of the Pentagon Papers, Ellsberg was initially charged with conspiracy, espionage, and theft of government property, but the charges were later dismissed after prosecutors investigating the discovered that the staff members in the had ordered the so-called to engage in unlawful efforts to discredit Ellsberg. In June 2011, the entirety of the Pentagon Papers was declassified and publicly released. Contents for revealing "The Secret War" of the United States in Vietnam.}} created the Vietnam Study Task Force on June 17, 1967, for the purpose of writing an "encyclopedic history of the ". McNamara claimed that he wanted to leave a written record for historians, to prevent policy errors in future administrations. Although Les Gelb, Director of Policy Planning in the Pentagon at the time, has said that the notion that they were commissioned as a 'cautionary tale' is a motive that McNamara only used in retrospect. McNamara told others, such as , that he only asked for a collection of documents rather than the studies he received. Whatever his motives, McNamara neglected to inform either President or Secretary of State Dean Rusk about the study. One report claimed that McNamara planned to give the work to his friend , who sought the . McNamara later denied this, although he admitted that he should have informed Johnson and Rusk. Instead of using existing Defense Department historians, McNamara assigned his close aide and to collect the papers. McNaughton died in a one month after work began in June 1967, but the project continued under the direction of Defense Department official . Thirty-six analysts—half of them active-duty military officers, the rest academics and civilian federal employees—worked on the study. The analysts largely used existing files in the . In order to keep the study secret from others, including , they conducted no interviews or consultations with the armed forces, with the White House, or with other federal agencies. McNamara left the Defense Department in February 1968, and his successor received the finished study on January 15, 1969, five days before 's inauguration, although Clifford claimed he never read it. The study consisted of 3,000 pages of historical analysis and 4,000 pages of original government documents in 47 volumes, and was classified as "Top Secret – Sensitive". ("Sensitive" is not an ; it meant that access to the study should be controlled.) The task force published 15 copies; the think tank received two of the copies from Gelb, and , with access granted if at least two of the three approved. Actual objective of the Vietnam War: Containment of China , the of the United States was a long-run strategic effort to surround with the , its s, as well as: a) The – front, b) The – front, and c) The front}} Although President Johnson stated that the aim of the Vietnam War was to secure an "independent, non-Communist ", a January 1965 memorandum by Secretary of Defense McNamara stated that an underlying justification was "not to help a friend, but to contain China". On November 3, 1965, McNamara sent a memorandum to President Johnson, in which he explained the "major policy decisions with respect to our course of action in Vietnam". The memorandum begins by disclosing the rationale behind the bombing of North Vietnam in February 1965: .}} McNamara accused China of harboring aspirations like those of and . According to McNamara, the Chinese were conspiring to "organize all of Asia" against the United States: To encircle the Chinese, the United States aimed to establish "three fronts" as part of a "long-run effort to contain China": front.}} However, McNamara admitted that the would ultimately sacrifice a significant amount of America's time, money and lives. Internal affairs of Vietnam }' |event= The United States provided large-scale military equipment to the French in its fight against the }} * ' |event= The United States began to engage in "acts of sabotage and terror warfare" in the defense of South Vietnam against communist North Vietnam}} * ' |event= The United States encouraged and directly assisted South Vietnamese President 's rise to power}} * ' |event= The United States encouraged and directly assisted the overthrow of the South Vietnamese President Ngô Đình Diệm}} * ' |event= Following the , the United States manipulated public opinion in its preparation for open warfare against a takeover of South Vietnam }} |} Years before the August 2, 1964 occurred, the U.S. government was indirectly or directly involved in Vietnam's affairs: * Under President , the U.S. government aided in its war against the communist-led during the . * Under President , the U.S. government played a "direct role in the ultimate breakdown of the " in 1954 by supporting the fledgling South Vietnam and covertly undermining the communist country of North Vietnam. * Under President , the U.S. government transformed its policy towards Vietnam from a limited "gamble" to a broad "commitment". * Under President Johnson, the U.S. government began waging covert military operations against communist North Vietnam in defense of South Vietnam. Role of the United States in the rise of President Diem greets South Vietnam's President , whose rise to power was backed by the United States, according to the ''Pentagon Papers}} In a section of the Pentagon Papers titled "Kennedy Commitments and Programs," America's commitment to South Vietnam was attributed to the creation of the country by the United States. As acknowledged by the papers: In a sub-section titled "Special American Commitment to Vietnam", the papers emphasized once again the role played by the United States: almost certainly could not have consolidated his hold on the South during 1955 and 1956." * "Without the threat of U.S. intervention, South Vietnam could not have refused to even discuss the elections called for in 1956 under the Geneva settlement without being immediately overrun by the Viet Minh armies." * "Without U.S. aid in the years following, the Diem regime certainly, and an independent South Vietnam almost as certainly, could not have survived".}} More specifically, the United States sent US$28.4 million worth of equipment and supplies to help the Diem regime strengthen its army. In addition, 32,000 men from were trained by the United States at a cost of US$12.7 million. It was hoped that Diem's regime, after receiving a significant amount of U.S. assistance, would be able to withstand the . The papers identified General , who served in the (OSS) and worked for the (CIA), as a "key figure" in the establishment of Diem as the President of South Vietnam, and the backing of Diem's regime thereafter. As written by Lansdale in a 1961 memorandum: "We (the U.S.) must support Ngo Dinh Diem until another strong executive can replace him legally." Role of the United States in the overthrow of Diem's regime , which was backed by the United States government|right|thumb|200px}} According to the Pentagon Papers, the U.S. government played a key role in the , in which Diem was assassinated. While maintaining "clandestine contact" with Vietnamese generals planning a coup, the U.S. cut off its aid to President Diem and openly supported a successor government in what the authors called an "essentially leaderless Vietnam": against Ngo Dinh Diem, the U.S. must accept its full share of responsibility. Beginning in August 1963 we variously authorized, sanctioned and encouraged the coup efforts of the Vietnamese generals and offered full support for a successor government. In October we cut off aid to Diem in a direct rebuff, giving a green light to the generals. We maintained clandestine contact with them throughout the planning and execution of the coup and sought to review their operational plans and proposed new government. Thus, as the nine-year rule of Diem came to a bloody end, our complicity in his overthrow heightened our responsibilities and our commitment in an essentially leaderless Vietnam.}} As early as August 23, 1963, an unnamed U.S. representative had met with Vietnamese generals planning a coup against Diem. According to The New York Times, this U.S. representative was later identified to be CIA agent . Proposed operations The , , proposed the following categories of military action: * Category 1 – Air raids on major Viet Cong supply centers, conducted simultaneously by the and the United States Air Force (codenamed ) * Category 2 – Cross-border raids on major Viet Cong supply centers, conducted by South Vietnamese units and US military advisors. * Category 3 – Limited air strikes on North Vietnamese targets by unmarked planes flown exclusively by non-US aircrews. However, McCone did not believe these military actions alone could lead to an escalation of the situation because the "fear of escalation would probably restrain the Communists". In a memorandum addressed to President Johnson on July 28, 1964, McCone explained: Barely a month after the Gulf of Tonkin incident on August 2, 1964, National Security Advisor warned that further provocations should not be undertaken until October, when the government of South Vietnam (GVN) would become fully prepared for a full-scale war against North Vietnam. In a memorandum addressed to President Johnson on September 8, 1964, Bundy wrote: reaction, and consequent retaliation by us. Examples of actions to be considered were running US naval patrols increasingly close to the North Vietnamese coast and/or associating them with . We believe such deliberately provocative elements should not be added in the immediate future while the GVN is still struggling to its feet. By early October, however, we may recommend such actions depending on GVN progress and Communist reaction in the meantime, especially to US naval patrols.}} While maritime operations played a key role in the provocation of North Vietnam, U.S. military officials had initially proposed to fly a reconnaissance aircraft over the country, but this was to be replaced by other plans. Leak Daniel Ellsberg knew the leaders of the task force well. He had worked as an aide to McNaughton from 1964 to 1965, had worked on the study for several months in 1967, and Gelb and Halperin approved his access to the work at RAND in 1969. Now opposing the war, Ellsberg and his friend photocopied the study in October 1969 intending to disclose it. Ellsberg approached Nixon's National Security Advisor , Senators and , and others, but none were interested. In February 1971, Ellsberg discussed the study with The New York Times reporter , and gave 43 of the volumes to him in March. Before publication, The New York Times sought legal advice. The paper's regular outside counsel, , advised against publication, but in-house counsel prevailed with his argument that the press had a right to publish information significant to the people's understanding of their government's policy. The New York Times began publishing excerpts on June 13, 1971; the first article in the series was titled "Vietnam Archive: Pentagon Study Traces Three Decades of Growing US Involvement". The study was dubbed The Pentagon Papers during the resulting media publicity. Street protests, political controversy, and lawsuits followed. To ensure the possibility of public debate about the papers' content, on June 29, , an Alaska Democrat, entered 4,100 pages of the papers into the record of his Subcommittee on Public Buildings and Grounds. These portions of the papers, which were edited for Gravel by and , were subsequently published by , the publishing arm of the of Congregations. A federal was subsequently empaneled to investigate possible violations of federal law in the release of the report. Leonard Rodberg, a Gravel aide, was ed to testify about his role in obtaining and arranging for publication of the Pentagon Papers. Gravel asked the court (in ) to quash the subpoena on the basis of the in of the . That clause provides that "for any Speech or Debate in either House, Senator or Representative shall not be questioned in any other Place", meaning that Gravel could not be prosecuted for anything said on the Senate floor, and, by extension, for anything entered to the Congressional Record, allowing the papers to be publicly read without threat of a trial and conviction. When Gravel's request was reviewed by the U.S. Supreme Court, the Court denied the request to extend this protection to Gravel or Rodberg because the grand jury subpoena served on them related to a third party rather than any act they themselves committed for the preparation of materials later entered into the Congressional Record. Nevertheless, the grand jury investigation was halted, and the publication of the papers was never prosecuted. Later, Ellsberg said the documents "demonstrated unconstitutional behavior by a succession of presidents, the violation of their oath and the violation of the oath of every one of their subordinates." He added that he leaked the Papers to end what he perceived to be "a wrongful war." The Nixon administration's restraint of the media President Nixon at first planned to do nothing about publication of the study since it embarrassed the Johnson and Kennedy administrations rather than his. But Henry Kissinger convinced the president that not opposing the publication set a negative precedent for future secrets. The administration argued Ellsberg and Russo were guilty of a under the , because they had no authority to publish classified documents. After failing to persuade The New York Times to voluntarily cease publication on June 14, and Nixon obtained a federal court injunction forcing The New York Times to cease publication after three articles. The New York Times publisher said: The newspaper appealed the injunction, and the case (403 U.S. 713) quickly rose through the U.S. legal system to the . On June 18, 1971, began publishing its own series of articles based upon the Pentagon Papers; Ellsberg had given portions to The Washington Post reporter . Bagdikian brought the information to editor . That day, Assistant U.S. Attorney General asked The Washington Post to cease publication. After the paper refused, Rehnquist sought an injunction in U.S. district court. Judge declined to issue such an injunction, writing that "the security of the Nation is not at the ramparts alone. Security also lies in the value of our free institutions. A cantankerous press, an obstinate press, a ubiquitous press must be suffered by those in authority to preserve the even greater values of freedom of expression and the right of the people to know." The government appealed that decision, and on June 26 the Supreme Court agreed to hear it jointly with The New York Times case. Fifteen other newspapers received copies of the study and began publishing it. The Supreme Court allows further publication On June 30, 1971, the Supreme Court decided, 6–3, that the government failed to meet the heavy required for injunction. The nine justices wrote nine opinions disagreeing on significant, substantive matters. Thomas Tedford and Dale Herbeck summarized the reaction of editors and journalists at the time: Legal charges against Ellsberg Ellsberg surrendered to authorities in Boston, and admitted that he had given the papers to the press: "I felt that as an American citizen, as a responsible citizen, I could no longer cooperate in concealing this information from the American public. I did this clearly at my own jeopardy and I am prepared to answer to all the consequences of this decision". He was indicted by a grand jury in Los Angeles on charges of stealing and holding secret documents. Federal District Judge declared a and dismissed all charges against Ellsberg and Russo on May 11, 1973, after it was revealed that: agents acting on the orders of the Nixon administration illegally broke into the office of Ellsberg's psychiatrist and attempted to steal files; representatives of the Nixon administration approached the Ellsberg trial judge with an offer of the job of FBI directorship; several irregularities appeared in the government's case including its claim that it had lost records of illegal wiretapping against Ellsberg conducted by the in the contemporaneous . Byrne ruled: "The totality of the circumstances of this case which I have only briefly sketched offend a sense of justice. The bizarre events have incurably infected the prosecution of this case." Ellsberg and Russo were freed due to the mistrial; they were not acquitted of violating the Espionage Act. In March 1972, political scientist , then assistant professor of Government at , was jailed for a week for his refusal to answer questions before a grand jury investigating the Pentagon Papers case, during a hearing before the . The Faculty Council later passed a resolution condemning the government's interrogation of scholars on the grounds that "an unlimited right of grand juries to ask any question and to expose a witness to citations for contempt could easily threaten scholarly research". Gelb estimated that The New York Times only published about five percent of the study's 7,000 pages. The Beacon Press edition was also incomplete. Halperin, who had originally classified the study as secret, obtained most of the unpublished portions under the and the published them in 1983. The published the remaining portions in 2002. The study itself remained formally classified until 2011. Impact The Pentagon Papers revealed that the United States had expanded its war with the bombing of Cambodia and Laos, coastal raids on North Vietnam, and Marine Corps attacks, none of which had been reported by the American media. The most damaging revelations in the papers revealed that four administrations (Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson), had misled the public regarding their intentions. For example, the Eisenhower administration actively worked against the . The John F. Kennedy administration knew of plans to overthrow South Vietnamese leader Ngo Dinh Diem before his death in a . President Johnson had decided to expand the war while promising "we seek no wider war" during his 1964 presidential campaign, including plans to bomb North Vietnam well before the . President Johnson had been outspoken against doing so during the election and claimed that his opponent was the one that wanted to bomb North Vietnam. In another example, a memo from the Defense Department under the Johnson Administration listed the reasons for American persistence: * 70% – To avoid a humiliating U.S. defeat (to our reputation as a guarantor). * 20% – To keep Vietnam (and the adjacent) territory from Chinese hands. * 10% – To permit the people South Vietnam to enjoy a better, freer way of life. * ALSO – To emerge from the crisis without unacceptable taint from methods used. * NOT – To help a friend, although it would be hard to stay in if asked out. Another controversy was that President Johnson sent combat troops to Vietnam by July 17, 1965, before pretending to consult his advisors on July 21–27, per the cable stating that " informs McNamara that President had approved 34 Battalion Plan and will try to push through call-up." In 1988, when that cable was declassified, it revealed "there was a continuing uncertainty as to Johnson's final decision, which would have to await Secretary McNamara's recommendation and the views of Congressional leaders, particularly the views of ." Nixon's later called the Pentagon Papers an example of "massive overclassification" with "no trace of a threat to the national security." The Pentagon Papers' publication had little or no effect on the ongoing war because they dealt with documents written years before publication. After the release of the Pentagon Papers, said: Senator , who thought the publishing of the Pentagon Papers was justified, said: Les Gelb reflected in 2018 that many people have misunderstood the most important lessons of the Pentagon Papers: Full release in 2011 On May 4, 2011, the National Archives and Records Administration announced that the papers would be declassified and released to the in , on June 13, 2011. The release date included the Nixon, Kennedy, and Johnson Libraries and the Archives office in . The full release was coordinated by the Archives's (NDC) as a special project to mark the anniversary of the report. The NDC worked with the agencies having classification control over the material to prevent the of the last 11 words of the Pentagon Papers that would not have been made available. It is unknown which 11 words were at issue. The Archives released each volume of the Pentagon Papers as a separate PDF file, available on their website. In films and television Films * (2003), directed by and Executive Produced by , is a made for , in association with and City Entertainment, about the Pentagon Papers and Daniel Ellsberg's involvement in their publication. The film represents Ellsberg's life, beginning with his work for . and ending with the day on which his espionage trial was declared a mistrial by a federal court judge. The film starred , , , and . * (2009) is an Oscar nominated , directed by and Rick Goldsmith, that follows Ellsberg and explores the events leading up to the publication of the Pentagon Papers. * "In 1971 analyst, former U.S. Marine company commander and anti-Communist Daniel Ellsberg leaked the Pentagon Papers to the media. In this talk, Ellsberg presents an explosive inside account of how and why he helped bring an end to the and 's presidency. He also talks about the current potential for war with Iraq and why he feels that would be a major mistake for the United States." Series: Voices 1/2003 Affairs Humanities ID: 7033" * (2017) is a historical drama film directed and co-produced by from a script written by Liz Hannah and about a pair of The Washington Post employees who battle the federal government over their right to publish the Pentagon Papers. The film stars as and as . Daniel Ellsberg is played by . Television * |url= http://video.pbs.org/video/1602912290/}} "On September 13, 2010, The New York Times Community Affairs Department and POV presented a panel discussion on the Pentagon Papers, Daniel Ellsberg, and the Times. The conversation, featuring Daniel Ellsberg, , former executive editor, and , Supreme Court reporter, was moderated by , managing editor of The New York Times" and former Washington bureau chief, marking the 35th anniversary of the Supreme Court ruling. Live podcast References Category:United States